Опублікація на англійською мовою міжнародні дипломатичні відносини Китая ,культорологія

Modern Diplomacy in Ukrainian-Chinese Relations 2022-2023.

Danilova Inessa Vitalyevna

Doctor of Philosophy, Candidate of Cultural Studies

Gogol NDU, Nizhyn

Abstract:Ukrainian-Chinese relations (Chinese: Ukrainian-Chinese relations Wūkèlán-zhōngguó guānxì) are bilateral relations between Ukraine and the People's Republic of China in the international political sphere, especially in the economic, educational, scientific and cultural spheres. Ukrainian-Chinese relations began to emerge in the Scythian era thanks to the Great Silk Road [2], which entered the modern Ukrainian-Crimean territory with its northern branch.

In 2021, in the Mykolaiv region, in the village of Skobelevo in the Kazankiv district, during the excavation of a unique mound belonging to the Vysysna Royal Scythian burial complex (c. 2.5 millennia), Ukrainian archaeologists discovered the remains of an accompanying burial object and fabric - preliminary research indicated that it was silk or kambu. This fabric came to the Scythians from China." This gives us reason to assert that in the 4th century BC the Mykolaiv region was part of the Great Silk Road system from China to Europe"[3], - says O. Smirnov, senior lecturer at Mykolaiv State University named after Sukhomlinsky and leader of the Berezan archaeological expedition.

During the reign of the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), the "Empire of Heaven" was known in Kiev, Halyk and Volodymyr Volensky[2].

In 1688-1692, Hetman Mnokholishny of the Zaporozhye army was active in China, and in 1689 he took part in the negotiations between the Tsar's ambassador F. Golovin and China, which culminated in the signing of the Treaty of Nerchin.

In 1714-1719, Archbishop Hilarion Lezhesky was appointed head of the first Russian ecclesiastical Orthodox delegation in China[4].

In the second half of the 18th century - the beginning of the 19th century - the intensity of Ukrainian-Chinese relations declined as Ukraine eventually lost its independence[2] and all subsequent contacts with China were conducted by Ukraine as an integral part of the Russian state. The most promising of the recently established research institutions in China, based on local universities, working in the direction of Ukraine are the Centre for Ukrainian Studies at Zhejiang Normal University and the Taras Shevchenko Centre for Ukrainian-Chinese Cultural Relations at Tianjin Foreign Studies University. (Shevchenko Centre for Sino-Ukrainian Cultural Exchange), the Centre for Ukrainian (Issues) Studies at the Wuhan University School of Foreign Languages and Literatures, the Centre for Ukrainian Studies at Dalian University of Foreign Studies. Centre for Ukrainian Studies, Shanghai International Studies University, funded by the state budget of the People's Republic of China.

There are also examples of fruitful collaborations between universities. In particular, the National Institute of Metallurgy of Ukraine and Northeastern University [Archived 1 November 2020 at the Wayback Machine] (Shenyang, Liaoning Province) are implementing a project to introduce electroslag refining technology in China in cooperation with Sinosteel.

In June 2018, a delegation from Lanzhou University, headed by President Yang Chunhua, arrived at Taras Shevchenko National University in Kiev for a working visit. At present, Lanzhou University has all the conditions to study Ukrainian.

In modern times, despite the ostensibly pragmatic nature of the international agenda, focusing on the use of military force by states as a priority means of ensuring their own national security, one cannot fail to notice the growing influence of the 'soft' tools of national public diplomacy on the system of international relations. Under modern conditions, the role of the flexibility factor has increased considerably, as has the influence of 'soft' power policies, which are the basis of public diplomacy, in international relations. Proposed by the eminent American political scientist J. Nye in 1990 and developed in subsequent works, this assumption about the importance of The effectiveness of 'soft power' is becoming increasingly important in the country's foreign policy. Public diplomacy is becoming the basis of post-modern power, striving to expand its sphere of influence in the world through the ability to create ideas, information, images and knowledge, as well as an effective system for exporting cultural output. In order to successfully utilise public diplomacy in the context of soft power policies, there must be mechanisms for its institutionalisation and implementation - democratic values, culture and foreign policy.

It should be noted that political values are not paramount in the implementation of China's soft power policy, but the country is also perceived to have a high level of authority in interstate relations and has used this policy quite successfully. An example of this is China, which is gradually strengthening its economic, political and military potential, increasing its economic power by 10% per year and its military investments by 12% per year.

Keywords: Ukrainian-Chinese international cooperation, modern aspects, Chinese political diplomacy research.

Relevance of the study.

In recent years, Ukrainian-Chinese relations have become increasingly important for both countries, as China is now the world's second largest economy in terms of GDP and has one of the world's largest investment potentials, which is extremely important for the Ukrainian economy, which is looking for new and innovative models of development. The "Belt and Road" global initiative launched by China increases the importance of the development of relations between Ukraine and China, with Ukraine as a country occupying a favourable geopolitical position - the first route to Europe. The financial and economic opportunities of this initiative represent a real opportunity for Ukraine's economic breakthrough, however, it will not happen by itself, it must be preceded by appropriate political and legal frameworks, programmes, joint actions, etc. An analysis of recent studies and publications. The issue of Ukrainian-Chinese relations has been on the horizon of Ukrainian and Chinese scientists. Among Ukrainian authors, the works of social scientists A. Goncharuk [1; 2, p. 30], Y. Kostenko [3], Y. Poita [4, p. 49] and economists L. Antoniuk and L. Halperina [5, p. 48] should be mentioned first. Among the Chinese scientists it is worth mentioning the works of Sun Zhuangzhi [6, p. 21], Li Yan [7, p. 34] and Zhao Huizhong [8, p. 87], etc. The study of various aspects of Ukrainian-Chinese relations was greatly facilitated by the launch of the journal Ukraine-China in 1999, which served as a joint platform for Ukrainian and Chinese experts to present their scientific and analytical results. Identifying previously unresolved parts of the overall problem. Despite the large number of studies on various aspects of the development of the Ukrainian-Chinese

strategic partnership, the political and legal factors of its development are still not sufficiently studied and are considered by the Chinese side to be crucial for further cooperation and have proved their importance in the development of Ukrainian-Chinese relations. In this regard, it is necessary to study the role of political and legal factors in the development of the Ukrainian-Chinese strategic partnership and their impact on interstate trade and economic cooperation.

At present, in Ukraine, there is a certain convergence of views among politicians and experts on the importance of developing Ukrainian-Chinese relations and whether they are in the national interest of Ukraine. In particular, one of Ukraine's leading sinologists, A. Z. Honcharuk, on behalf of "a large group of experts", states that "Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation is in the national interest and needs to be further strengthened, and there should be no further pause in bilateral political relations"[1]. The information and language component of the relationship has improved significantly. Thanks to the work of the five Confucius Institutes in Ukrainian higher education institutions, significant progress has been made on the issue of awareness of Chinese culture and mastery of the Chinese language, but Chinese knowledge of Ukrainian information is still insufficient and needs to be improved, especially with the opening of Ukrainian centres in Chinese higher education institutions, whose main aim is to inform the Chinese about the cultural and socio-economic characteristics of the various regions of Ukraine. Today, China is the second largest country with which Ukraine has a negative balance, as Chinese exports to Ukraine exceed Ukrainian imports to China. Zhao Huizhong estimates that the share of trade cooperation between China and Ukraine is insignificant." Cooperation is precarious and it is now in a state of "waiting to be strengthened" [8, p. 85]. This state is considered to be the lowest by Chinese experts, who generally classify trade cooperation between China and the countries along the Belt and Road into four categories: "full cooperation", "huge growth potential", "simple cooperation structure", and fourth - "waiting to be strengthened". In addition to agriculture, which has been the traditional direction of development of investment and trade relations between Ukraine and China in recent years, there are also areas of cooperation that the Chinese side considers to have potential: aerospace, information technology, communications, energy saving and biotechnology, to name but a few. Thanks to the "Belt and Road" platform, the two sides can develop economic relations and strengthen their cooperation, thus achieving mutual benefits.

Thus, the potential for developing relations between the two countries exists and this is confirmed by both sides. According to Chinese experts, "Ukraine's participation in the Belt and Road brings significant benefits to it. This also applies to attracting Chinese investment in infrastructure projects in Ukraine, which is indeed a unique opportunity" [7, p. 35]. The Chinese expert added when drawing attention to the political benefits of the strategic partnership." China's One Belt, One Road initiative will undoubtedly accelerate Ukraine's emergence as a leading country in Central and Eastern Europe, which will have a significant impact" [7, p.35].

According to Ukrainian experts (A. Z. Goncharuk, O. V. Lytvynenko, Y. Poita, etc.), a solid foundation has been established for the strategic partnership between Ukraine and China, which provides for "a practical transition to a higher level of political cooperation between Kyiv and Beijing - political interaction in the international arena" [1]. Both sides understand that certain measures are necessary for this purpose, however, experts have some different views on the content of these measures. According to A. Z. Goncharuk, firstly, there is a need to open up to Chinese investors not only heavy industry, infrastructure projects and energy, but also to provide a wide range of opportunities for investment in the processing, light and high-tech industries of the agro-industrial complex. Secondly, there is a need to expand the range of goods entering China, gradually moving away from their raw material character. Thirdly, there is a need to diversify the forms of cooperation and to develop, ideally alongside economic relations, the provision of services, particularly in terms of innovative projects, tourism, and humanitarian contacts.

The legal framework for bilateral relations includes almost 300 documents. The main document regulating political relations between Ukraine and China is the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between Ukraine and China.

Ukraine and the People's Republic of China (4 January 1992), the Joint Communiqué between Ukraine and China (31 October 1992 and 24 June 1995), the Joint (Kiev) Declaration of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China (6 September 1994), the Joint (Beijing) Declaration of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on the Development and Deepening of Friendship and Cooperation (04. December 1995) Joint (Kyiv) Declaration on Strengthening Friendship and Comprehensive Cooperation in the 21st Century (21.07.2001), Joint (Beijing) Declaration of Ukraine and China (18.11.2002)

Joint Declaration of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on the Comprehensive Strengthening of Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and China (2 September 2010), Main Directions for the Development of Relations between Ukraine and the People's Republic of China for 2010-2012 (September 2010)

2), the Joint Declaration of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnership (20 June 2011), and the Treaty on Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and the People's Republic of China, the Joint Declaration of Ukraine and the People's Republic of China on Further Deepening of Strategic Cooperation.

The Joint Statement on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and China is the latest bilateral document that raises the cooperation between Ukraine and China to a new qualitative level. It follows an agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of China establishing the Cooperation Council, which has become the main mechanism for the implementation of this partnership. Currently, the Ukraine - China strategic partnership is based on a joint declaration on its deepening and a development plan for the period 2014-2018.

China recognised the independence of Ukraine on 27 December 1991. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established on 4 January 1992, and in March 1993 the Embassy of Ukraine in China was officially opened. The Consulate General of Ukraine in Shanghai has been in operation since August 2001. The consular district of this institution includes the provinces of Anhui, Fujian, Jiangxi, Jiangsu and Zhejiang and the city of Shanghai. The Chinese Embassy in Kiev was established in 1992. Since 2006, the Consulate General of the People's Republic of China has been operating in Odessa. The consular district of this institution includes the territories of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Donetsk, Zaporozhye, Kirovorad, Nikolaev, Odessa, Kherson region, as well as cities. Sevastopol[7].

In October 1992, Ukraine's first President Kravchuk paid a state visit to China, initiating a series of visits by the two countries' top leaders, which laid the foundations for a bilateral legal framework. in September 1994, Chinese President Jiang Zemin paid an official visit to Ukraine. in December 1995, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma paid a state visit to China. As a result, a high level of direct relations between the leaders of the two countries was finally consolidated. There were active contacts between all branches of power in Ukraine and China. in April 1993, the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, I. Plyushch, visited China, and in April 1994, Deputy Prime Minister V. Shmarov visited China. in June 1995, the then Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, Li Peng, visited Ukraine, and in March 1996 - Qiao Shi, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. In December 1997, Ukrainian Prime Minister Pustovoitenko visited China. This tradition has been maintained in the future. The visit of Wu Yi, Vice-Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, to Ukraine in March 1999, the visit of Chen Junsheng, Vice-Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, to Ukraine in July 1999, the visit of S. Havrysh, Vice-Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, to China in April 2000 and the visit of Jiang Zemin, President of the People's Republic of China, to Ukraine in July 2001 [9, p. 33] testify to In 2002, Kuchma paid a state visit to China and in 2003, the President of Ukraine paid an official visit to Hong Kong [5]. Subsequently, through no fault of the Ukrainian side, there was a suspension that did not help the development of bilateral relations. It is rather unfortunate that Ukraine did not actually take advantage of the important opportunity to do so.

In the relations between the two countries, there was a breakthrough in 2010-2011, when political contacts at the highest level resumed and the strategic partnership was formalised. A certain resumption of political dialogue can be described as the meeting of state leaders within the framework of the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington in April 2010, when the parties announced their desire to intensify the dialogue [8, pp. 30-31].

The visit of the President of Ukraine to China on 2 September 2010 was of historic significance [3, p. 10]. The resumption of dialogue at the highest level is the most important prerequisite for successful cooperation between Ukraine and China in the trade, economic, scientific, technical and humanitarian spheres. The direct interaction between the President of Ukraine and the Chinese leadership was of great importance in establishing a new level of mutual trust between the executive bodies of our countries and representatives of the business community [5]. During the visit 13 bilateral documents were signed, providing for investments to Ukraine in the amount of 4 billion US dollars. One of the most important documents is the "Main directions of the Ukrainian-Chinese relations for 2010-2012 (roadmap)" [9, p. 6]. The parties demonstrated their readiness to take effective measures to fill bilateral relations with strategic content and to make full use of the existing potential of Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation.

Thus, in 2007, Chinese President Hu Jintao, speaking at the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of China, stressed that the country should strengthen its "soft power" in terms of national public diplomacy. At the same time, the main directions for the development of "soft power" were identified: establishing a basic socialist value system and enhancing the attractiveness of socialist ideology; forming a harmonious culture and civilised ethos; spreading Chinese national culture; and developing innovative ideas in the national cultural space [5, p. 97]. This is a reasonable strategy. However, if China builds only hard power, it will increasingly frighten its neighbours, who in turn will begin to build alliances against China. If China develops 'soft power' and increases its attractiveness in the eyes of its neighbours, it will be less and less likely to form alliances against China. Thus, at this stage in the development of international relations, a prominent example of the implementation of a "soft power" strategy is China. The main mechanisms of China's "soft power" policy include.

1) the organisation and staging of various cultural events aimed at popularising the achievements of Chinese culture and the economic successes of recent years.

2) The development of inter-state cooperation aimed at providing assistance in the economic and social fields, education, as well as medical

provision and humanitarian support.

3) To pursue a balanced policy on the world stage, allowing China to play an important role in strengthening global economic and political stability and preventing the deterioration of international relations [3, p. 219].

According to the authors, the Chinese leadership understands the need to develop the appeal of socialist ideology, but how it compares to democratic values is an important question for modern China.

The Chinese government has officially recognised that national culture, based on Confucian moral and ethical values, folk traditions, methods rich in Chinese medical recipes and the development of high-level athletes, is an important component of 'soft power'. Cultural events have a global impact and are aimed at a universal audience, particularly Western, Asian, African, Latin American and Muslim.

China's leadership is trying to establish its own sphere of influence and understand its potential to introduce 'soft power' and in which geographical areas it is possible to achieve it. We are talking about relations with countries in Africa, South America, the Middle East and South East Asia. Beijing uses a variety of tools to strengthen its influence in developing countries, including economic incentives and military cooperation, but an important element is also the formation of institutions and the use of mechanisms to implement 'soft power'. While the basis of relations remains economic, there has been an increase in cultural exchanges, the spread of academic programmes, mediation through qualified diplomats, and the involvement of local Chinese communities. According to researchers W. Kim and J. Bohan, the range of tools of Chinese soft power can be divided into at least five categories: investment (given the current reality, the authors still refer to this aspect as an element of soft power), humanitarian aid, educational exchange programmes, diplomacy, participation in international organisations and cooperation with the diaspora [1, p. 18]. It should be stressed that the doctrine of respect for national sovereignty may be particularly attractive to authoritarian governments in developing countries. Central to China's diplomacy with its neighbours is the idea of good neighbourliness and partnership, the meaning of which is revealed through the concepts of comradeship, security and prosperity. Friendship includes the development of good neighbourly relations between China and all its neighbours, without exception. Security means a state of ensuring that other countries feel safe and at peace with China as a neighbour. Therefore, the use of... The Priority Direction.

The origins and specifics of public diplomacy in China

The active study and implementation of public diplomacy in China's political practice is determined by two main points. Firstly, a good cultural and historical foundation has served as a good basis for introducing the concept of soft power under modern conditions. Secondly, the negative image of China that developed in some foreign countries in the 1990s has pushed the Chinese expert community to look more deeply into the issue of interaction with foreign audiences and the construction of a positive image of China in the world.

Despite the foreign origins of the concept of soft power, Chinese researchers have noted that the use of 'soft' methods to influence other states has always been an important part of Chinese cultural and political traditions.

Furthermore, scholars in China and abroad have noted that soft power played an important role in maintaining the specific system of relations that developed around China in ancient times. It is this cultural tradition that has greatly contributed to the process of adaptation of the concept of soft power in China. For Chinese intellectuals, J. Nye's concept looks like a modern development of the judgements of the ancient sages of the Tian Dynasty.

One of the difficulties that has arisen in Chinese academic research on soft power and public diplomacy is the difficulty of finding appropriate Chinese translations of these concepts. The term 'soft power' has been translated as zhuan shili (soft power), while the term 'public diplomacy' has been translated as gonggong waijiao (public diplomacy). The concept of 'public diplomacy' is relatively new to China, and Chinese academics are still discussing a clear definition of the term and its relevance to 'public diplomacy'. Chinese authors invariably stress that 'people-to-people diplomacy', unlike public diplomacy, is a specific feature of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China and is inextricably linked to the activities of the Chinese Communist Party. China's leaders have always considered friendly relations among the people as the basis for reliable interstate relations. The emergence and development of people's diplomacy is largely associated with the name of Premier Zhou Enlai, who effectively used it to promote the interests of China.

Chinese scholars distinguish the following three general characteristics of public diplomacy: it is government-led; it targets foreign governments and people; and it aims to raise the image of the implementing state.

According to Chinese researchers, public diplomacy is an interactive relationship between the state and society, while people's diplomacy is an interactive relationship between society. At the same time, although it is considered an exchange between individuals and public organisations, it does not include the leadership role of the Party as the primary planner and ideologue of such interactions.

In his book From People's Diplomacy to Public Diplomacy, Zhao Qizheng, one of the leaders of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, defines people's diplomacy as foreign contacts and interactions initiated by legal entities in a heterogeneous and diverse international community. Its official competence does not include national diplomacy or is carried out by individuals in the name of their national interests, the objectives of official diplomacy or to fill the gaps in official diplomacy, or in the name of preserving world peace and protecting the common interests of humanity.  As examples of such organisations, whose official competence does not include public diplomacy, the author cites all but the largest public diplomacy organisations - the Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CAIFC), the Chinese Association for the Cooperation of Non-Governmental Organisations (CANGO), the China Association for the Promotion of Democracy, the China Peace and Development Foundation, and so on. Thus, only projects initiated directly by government agencies fall under the umbrella of public diplomacy.

Conclusion.

Ukrainian-Chinese economic relations are driven by political and legal factors. The development of the interstate partnership is directly dependent on the political dialogue (exchange of official visits) between the highest leaders of the countries. As soon as the political dialogue slows down, it immediately leads to a slowdown in economic and, in particular, trade cooperation. At the same time, following the principle of "mutual benefit and win-win" leads to the removal of the political component as a precondition for economic and trade cooperation. Shared successes and interests turn into the main concept of interstate relations.

The model of partnership between Ukraine and China has also undergone a certain evolution: mutually beneficial cooperation (1992) - long-term partnership and stable comprehensive cooperation (2002) - constructive partnership (2005) - strategic partnership (2011) - strategic partnership and strategic partnership (2017) - political interaction in the international arena (perspective). Thus, we can only talk about the strategic partnership from 2011, when it was officially included in the relevant documents. Ukraine's participation in the Belt and Road global initiative is a tool for reviving interstate relations, but Ukraine is not actively using this tool. In order to revive it, certain measures should be taken to diversify the forms of economic cooperation by economic The range of investment projects is being expanded in the field of activities. At the same time, new projects should be developed in accordance with the main principle of the New Silk Road - "mutual benefit and win-win".

Thus, in order to spread China's value system and increase Beijing's attractiveness, the government's attention is focused on creating a China similar to world-leading channels such as CNN or CBS. It should be noted that at the beginning of 2009, Chinese officials decided to invest more than 6 billion dollars in the expansion of institutions such as "Xinhua News Agency", "People's Daily" and most importantly - the creation of an international TV news channel. Although the state CCTV is broadcast in English, Spanish and French and is available in many countries in cable packages, even the Chinese themselves admit that its popularity is still quite low. This is due to a high level of distrust of Chinese news organisations and the existence of censorship, which casts doubt on the alternative and reliability of information [4, p. 661]. As a result, there is a gradual trend in China to strengthen its 'soft power', in other words, to increase cultural, ideological and political influence in inter-state relations. Beijing has also gradually developed an institutional matrix of 'soft power' and 'smart power' policies aimed at forming a positive image of China in the international relations system and promoting the country's social and cultural values. At the same time, however, there is a realisation that despite the achievements of Beijing's 'soft power' strategy, its further implementation is at odds with China's political system. d.Nye argues that China can spend millions of dollars promoting values and culture around the world and spreading information space, but if it continues to control its own society, there will be no 'soft power'. After all, it is clear that a 'smart strategy' requires not only the proclamation of a certain value system, but also the observance of these values in the internal structures of the state in the first place.

In the sphere of economic cooperation between Ukraine and China, in the field of science, as well as in trade and economic activity, Ukraine is currently a donor of resources and products of the fourth technological model to the Kingdom of Heaven. China is one of the largest trading partners of Ukraine.

Following its pragmatic policy in the international arena, China cooperates with Ukraine, buying what it needs here and now, as long as it does not interfere with its relations with other major geopolitical players. China's cooperation with Ukraine is of great importance to the Chinese government. Most importantly, China is interested in cooperation with our country in the military and industrial spheres.

Ukraine has found in China a reliable market for its agricultural products, especially wheat, barley, seeds and oil. In recent years, China has become increasingly interested not only in Ukrainian agricultural products, but also in Ukrainian foodstuffs. China's limited land resources do not allow to fully satisfy the food needs of the Chinese population and therefore China is actively looking for opportunities to import quality food products. The involvement of the Ukrainian business community in this process will provide Ukrainian businessmen with access to the world's largest consumer market.

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